LEAGUE OF NATIONS      ËÈÃÀ  ÍÀÖÈÉ      SOCITE DES NATIONS

THE

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OF

MACEDONIA

memoranda, petitions, resolutions, minutes,

letters and documents, addressed to the

League of Nations,

1919-1939

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Geneva

1979

International documentation on Macedonia

N. 10-11-12

 

 

 

PORTRAIT OF A BRITISH DIPLOMAT:

HAROLD NICOLSON

I. ON ARMISTICE DAY

The morning when Lloyd George announced the Armistice from

the steps on Downing Street is remembered by Harold Nicolson with

great sadness. For several months he had been working and preparing

himself/or the forthcoming Peace Conference in the basement of the

Foreign Office, "in a green and violet dug-out" which but a few

weeks before had served as a shelter from German air-raids. His

specialty was the problem of Balkan frontiers, and on Armistice Day,

he was planning to cut-off the Strumitsa enclave from Bulgaria in

order to satisfy certain Serbian claims. Although during his stay in

Constantinople as a diplomat Harold Nicolson had come to know the

Bulgarians rather well, his feelings of contempt for the vanquished na-

tions were strong. Today the confusion over the interpretation of war

guilt and the criticism addressed to entire nations appears unfounded.

But Nicolson's mind was made up. Here is what he wrote on the

Bulgarians:

"Their traditions, their history, their actual obligations should

have bound them to the cause of Russia and the Entente. They

have behaved treacherously in 1913 and in the Great War they

have repeated this act of perfidy. Inspired by the most material

motives of acquisition they had joined with Germany, and by so

doing lengthened the war by two whole years. In the hour of their

victory they have behaved in Serbia and Macedonia without pity

and mthout foresight. They have joined our enemies for purely

selfish purposes: their expectations had proved erroneous: and

they were now endeavouring to cast upon King Ferdinand the

blame for what had in fact been a movement of national egoism. I

do not feel that Bulgaria deserved more mercy than she would

herself have been prepared, in similar circumstances, to accord."

Harold Nicolson had been drawing the Balkan frontiers without

mercy. His diplomatic style could not hide his hawkish inclinations.

He did not consider the historical and social reality of the Bulgarian

nation and so he urged the British representatives in Paris to detach

Bulgarian lands and Bulgarian populations and to hand them over to

Yugoslavia and Greece. The arrangements proposed by the Powers

involved a complete resettlement in the Balkans. Along the Serbo-

Bulgarian frontier, a series of strips inhabited by Bulgarians was taken

away from Bulgaria and given to Serbia. The Bulgarian character of

all these districts, without exception, was attested to by the

ethnological map of the eminent Serbian professor Cvijic, champion

of Serbian claims.  The attribution of these territories to Serbia

represented the third stage of a series of Serbian encroachments on

Bulgarian territories:

the first one took place in 1838 when Serbia seized the Timok

valley with its population of over 100,000 Bulgarians;

the second one dates from 1878, when, at the Berlin Congress at

the suggestion of Austria, Serbia obtained the Bulgarian district of

Pirot and the valley of the Bulgarian Morava;

now there was the addition of the border region of Tsaribrod,

which brought the Serbian territory dangerously close to Sofia.

The cession of territories on the western Bulgarian frontier was ad-

vocated on the basis of the fact that the Bulgarian frontier ran too

closely to Serbian military communication lines. This could not be

true, except perhaps as regards Strumitsa, which was some

9 kilometres away from the Nish-Salonika railway. During all this

nibbling at Bulgarian territories Serbia professed to be alarmed by the

prospect of future Bulgarain aggression. Inevitably the Bulgarian

population in Macedonia decided to continue its resistance against the

Serbians who had been ill-treating the Bulgarian element in

Macedonia, by forming revolutionary units in Macedonia, or in

Bulgaria, which strove to liberate the country. From the economic

point of view, one should note that the aforementioned territorial

changes resulted in a border running along a series of mountain tops.

By the winter-time of 1919 the population was practically cut off from

all sources of supply and, seeing this, the people started to hold

meetings, and address protest telegrams to Paris. Although he was

fully a^are of the vindictive character of the Bucharest Treaty of

1913, Harold Nicolson remained silent on the Macedonian question.

This was in harmony with the policy of Serbia and Greece. The fate

of the Macedonian Bulgarians, for the sake of whom Bulgaria had

fought a series of wars and had made enormous sacrifices, was not

decided. All human rights, all scientific testimonies and even the deci-

sions of the great Powers, which showed that Macedonia should be

Bulgarian territory, were ignored. The erection of an autonomous

State, or the establishment of an international control body under the

auspices of the League of Nations, as well as the proposal that a

referendum be held in Macedonia, were rejected. It is hard to under-

stand why the conflict was deliberately cultivated in the Balkans.

II. DOVE OR HAWK

Painting the portrait of a British diplomat at the Paris Peace Con-

ference is no easy task, especially when the person's qualities, plans

and actions are intricately interwoven. Harold Nicolson played a

decisive part in the decision-making process concerning most Balkan

problems. His book "Peacemaking, 1919", a best seller, was ap-

preciated by historians for its rich content and refined diplomatic

style, but not everything that matters in British foreign policy is con-

tained in this book. In order to understand Nicolson one should also

read his confidential correspondence with the Foreign Office and the

Secretariat of the League of Nations, especially with Secretary-

General Eric Drummond and the Director of the Minorities Section

Erik Colban. We cannot agree with some professors who claim that

Nicolson did not focus his attention on Bulgaria. On the contrary, he

was one of the foremost experts on the Bulgarian question. Yet his

comments on the vanquished nations, including the Bulgarians, and

his open contempt for them make one wonder how accurate his

knowledge and comprehension of the defeated former enemies could

have been.

The record of his career would support the idea that he was inter-

nationally minded. Born in Tehran, Persia in 1886, son of the first

Baron Carnock, Nicolson studied at Wellington, Balliol College and

Oxford. He entered the Diplomatic Service in 1909, served at H.M.

Embassies in Madrid, 1910, and Constantinople, 1911. After return-

ing to the Foreign Office in 1914, he joined the British delegation to

the Peace Conference in 1919 as Second Secretary. In October 1919

he joined the League of Nations and served as a liaison officer until

June 1920, v^hen he returned to Foreign Office. In 1925 Nicolson was

promoted as counsellor and in October of the same year he was ap-

pointed to Her Majesty Legation in Tehran. In 1927 he moved to H.

M. Embassy in Berlin. In 1929 he resigned. Afterwards he was

employed on the editorial staff of "Evening Standard", 1930, accom-

panied De La Warr Educational Commission to East Africa in 1937;

he became Member of Parliament, 1935-1945, and Parliamentary

Secretary to Ministry of Education, 1940-1941. Nicolson was a

Governor of the B.B. C. during 1941-1946. In 1947 he joined the

Labour Party. He obtained numerous honorific titles as Honorary

Doctor of the Universities of Athens, Grenoble, Glasgow, Dublin,

Durham, Commander of the Legion of Honour and Honorary

Member of the New York Academy.

For one year Harold Nicolson was probably the most important

agent of the League of Nations. His appointment and activities in the

Political Section of the Secretariat consisted in testing the intelligence

service set up by Sir Eric Drummond, Paul Mantoux, Jean Monnet

and others. It is true that during this period the Foreign Off ice passed

copies of all its secret telegrams and reports to the Head of the Inter-

national Secretariat, but the Intelligence Service of the League of Na-

tions in general did not function, and so Nicolson resigned in June

1920.

In the performance of Harold Nicolson we may observe the re-

quirements of the intelligence-gathering process. He was collecting in-

formation, which was submitted for evaluation or analysis by Foreign

Office and the Secretariat of the League of Nations, in order to pro-

vide meaning and relevance to any League decision-making. Some of

this information was used by policy and action authorities.

Nicolson's reports were intended to assist the League of Nations

Secretariat to define policy and help operational officers in making

decisions. Yet, even now, after a lypse of 60 years, the sense of failure

is tangible. This first conceptualization of world Government, of a

central control of national armies, and the creation of a central in-

telligence service within the League of Nations, proved rapidly im-

practicable.  By June 1920, the original modus operandi of the

Secretariat of the League of Nations had already been changed.

In order to appreciate the British sense of humour and behaviour it

is sufficient to read Nicolson's brilliant book on the Peace Conference

and his diary. Even today diplomats could learn much from his

Chichele lectures, given in 1954 and entitled 'evolution of

Diplomatic Method".

Harold Nicolson hoped that the actual history of the Conference

"would some day be written in an "authoritative and readable form".

He feared that the atmosphere of those unhappy months might re-

main unrecorded. And he carried on his study in a sort of penumbra.

"Peacemaking, 1919" shows the lack of lucidity of the Foreign Of"

fice: the reader marvels at their amazing inconsistency and their com-

plete absence of any method of negotiation. At the Paris Peace Con-

ference, the pervading element was the confusion to which Nicolson

himself contributed and preserved for history through his brilliant

style. His duplicity was hidden behind the protocol and the good

training of a skilled and attractive young diplomat. The settlement of

the Balkan question made by British diplomacy turned to be anti-

historic. In the long run the formalist approach to problems and

social contradictions did not pay. Nicolson's diplomatic practice and

advice on the Balkans were fateful and History is still busy correcting

some of his errors.

Into which category of diplomats could we classify Harold

Nicolson if we apply the categories proposed by Philip Noel-Baker *

concerning British foreign policy-makers: doves and hawks? Lord

Robert Cecil was a dove fighting for the cause of the League of Na-

tions. Sir Maurice Hankey was a hawk — the prototype of a hard-

liner. Philip Noel-Baker's classification applies also to British society.

But on the international plane and vis-a-vis small States or States out-

side the British Empire, all British diplomats were hawks. As regards

policy towards South-Eastern Europe a division existed between the

younger men in the Foreign Office, such as Nicolson, Percy and Clerk

who favoured nationalism, and the more senior men such as Crowe,

Hardinge, Carnock and others, who favoured the preservation of the

old empires. ** The activities of British diplomats at Paris and in the

Secretariat of the League of Nations, then still in London, show to

what extent the Secretariat of the League of Nations was permeated

by English diplomatic methods.

*Cf. Noel-Baker, Philip John. The First World Disarmament Conference, 1932-1933 and why it failed, Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1979, p. 7-11.

** Sharp, Alan. Britain and the protection of minorities at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919. — In:

Minorities in history. New York, St. Martin's Press, Edited by A. C. Hepburn, 1979, p. 170-188.